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REPORT ON
THE PARTICIPATORY RURAL APPRAISAL OF THE
TAMILNADU
WOMEN’S DEVELOPMENT PROJECT
Ranjani.K.Murthy, IFAD
Consultant
With
Bernard J.P And Rupa
Bernard, Independent Consultants
Karunakaran, Dhanraj,
Mutharasan, Purnakumar, Selvakumar & Srikala, APO-Credit/Schemes
Paramasivam, Rajendran,
Rosalind, and Mangaiyarkarasi, APO-Training
Gnanasekaran, Venkatesh,
Murugan, Loganathan, Jayaram, Nagaratna and Parimala (NGO partners)
November, 1999
Chennai
4.0 FINDINGS
The findings are presented under the
following categories:
- Targeting and coverage of the poorest
amongst the poor, and women headed households.
- Impact on poverty of members (and their
households), and on women’s empowerment
- Group formation, groups dynamics, and
training
- Savings and lending operations
- Group sustainability, and project
sustainability
Inter-district differences, inter-age
differences, and inter-grade differences are elaborated as and when
appropriate.
4.1 TARGETING AND COVERAGE
Profile of SHG members
- Targeting of women in poverty:
Approximately 68% of the members of the 24 SHGs were below the poverty
line at the time of group formation, and 43% of members of SHGs were
very poor. This suggests that the performance of the TNWDP with respect
to targeting may be significantly better than targeting under the
Integrated Rural Development Programme-IRDP. However, it also points to
the fact that self-help groups cannot automatically be assumed to be
self-selecting. The PRA exercise suggests that the targeting efforts
could be strengthened in the future by specifically focusing on deserted
women, scheduled caste women, eligible widows heading households, women
who are landless and engage in unskilled work, women heading households
because of male sickness, settled single women, and women with
disabilities.
- Targeting of women headed households:
Approximately 17% of SHG members are de-jure women-headed and 4.5% are
de-facto women headed, i.e totalling 21.5%. These figures are higher
than the representation of de-jure (13%) and de-facto (3%) of women
headed households in the covered villages, showing a pro women-headed
household orientation of the project. The figures also compare
favourably with targeting of women headed household under the IRDP or
the national level women-specific programme: the Development of Women
and Children in Rural Areas However, there is scope for further
improvement when new SHGs are formed in the same villages, as overall
only 33% of de-jure and 50% of de-facto women headed households in the
villages have been covered under SHGs (majority of them being below the
poverty line). In particular, targeting with respect to single (adult)
women heading households-though few in number-may need to be
strengthened in the future. The tendency of different stake holders to
stick literally to the indicative guideline that the members of SHGs
should be married, rather than the principle that the members should be
adult and poor residents in the village, could have led to their
marginalisation.
- Targeting of scheduled castes and
women landless labourers: Approximately 21% of SHG members were from
the Scheduled Castes, which is higher than their representation in the
villages covered (18%). Thus the targeting practices of the TNWDP have
been pro-dalit women in orientation. Neverthless, the pro-dalit
orientation is not very marked (and perhaps lower than under the IRDP,
and needs to be strengthened further in future. Given that 80 % of
dalits are also very poor or poor, strengthening their inclusion in SHGs
formed in the future would automatically improve the overall targeting
by the project. A point of concern is that representation of women
unskilled labourers without access to land in SHGs is slightly lower
than their representation in the village (51% and 54% respectively).
Conscious efforts need to be made to target this group of women in
future group formation, and remove institutional barriers to their
participation (for example holding meetings at a time convenient for
women landless labourers)
- Coverage of households in poverty:
34 % of households below the poverty line and 27% of households who are
very poor in the eight villages seem to be represented in the SHGs. The
coverage of scheduled castes households stands at 37%, landless
households dependent on unskilled labour at 39%, households headed by
women due to desertion at 46%, households headed by women due to male
sickness at 47%, households headed by widows at 29%, and households
headed by settled single women at 22%. The coverage of these economic
and social groups amongst women is better in small villages with
mutliple groups, and weaker amongst large villages with single groups.
As the very poor tend to be risk averse (elaborated later), a saturation
policy to group formation, along with better targeting, seems the most
appropriate.
- Regional variation in targeting:
Targeting is by and large better in Ramnad (76% below the poverty
line) and Dharmapuri districts (71% below the poverty line), when
compared to Madurai district (57% below the poverty line), which is
comparatively a more prosperous district. Greater attention to targeting
may need to be paid in better off-districts, when compared to backward
districts. Within the two backward districts, targeting seems to have
been slightly better in Ramnad than Dharmapuri district. This is
attributed by the project holders due to the fact that the TNWDP staff
had the opportunity to learn from the Dharmapuri experience and greater
focus was placed on targeting dalits or the scheduled castes.
Nevertheless, it should be noted that neither the age of the group nor
whether the group has been formed under IFAD project or Mahalir Thittam
seems to have impact on targeting of the poor. Targeting of the poor is
weak in both the groups formed after 1997 (47% in the case of Kannimar
Kalanjiyam, Ulaganeri, Madurai district, and 55% in the case of Omshakti
Mahalir Mandram of Ramnad district).
- The excluded women by project
design/principles: The project, by design, excludes two vulnerable
groups of women from the SHGs. Firstly, elderly women in poverty who are
heading households, who have little ability to save and engage in
productive activities. With age and widowhood many women slip into
poverty. It seems important that the SHGs which are in place help this
group access widow pension and other welfare programmes which they are
entitled to. Additionally forming SHGs exclusively for this group of
women and providing them with capital development fund (for purely
consumption purposes) could be attempted on an experimental basis in one
of the districts. If it works out, women from regular SHGs could
graduate into these groups on a voluntary basis when they cross the age
of 55 years. A second group which is excluded from SHG membership are
girls/women in the age group of 17-20 years belonging to poor
households. Informal discussions with them revealed that they are in a
very vulnerable situation, and do not have any resource to negotiate
their interests within their natal households, or prospective marital
households. If they are not sensitised, they are likely to be married
into poorer families than their natal households for want of dowry.
Forming groups of these girls, with shifting membership, is a
possibility, along with gender sensitisation inputs. They could also act
as change agents if they leave their natal village after marriage.
- The excluded households managed by
single men: 63% of the (men) widowers, deserted men, single but
settled men in the village were in poverty. However, they constitute
less than 1.2% of total households. As the SHG is exclusively for women
they are automatically excluded from the SHGs. For legitimate reasons
the women members felt that including them in the women's SHGs would
spoil the group dynamics. At the same time discussions revealed that
forming exclusive men's groups would cut into women SHGs savings and
repayment performance, as well as not be socially viable as there are
many divisions amongst men on the basis of party politics. A possible
strategy would be for the DRDA to form such men into single-men SHGs
under the SGSY.
- NGO variation in targeting: As
only one SHG group organised by each of the eight NGOs was studied it is
a bit premature to comment on the variation in targeting across SHGs.
However, the information base suggests that NGOs working with a more
"rights and entitlement" approach tend to be better at
targeting the poorest economic and social groups, than NGOs working with
a more "incremental development" based approach. This
hypothesis needs to be tested more rigorously against ground realities
through a larger study.
- Variation in targeting across Grades:
The C grade groups seem to have had more members belonging to poor and
very poor households at the time of formation when compared to the A and
B grade groups. This preliminary finding needs to be validated through a
study based on a larger sample size. If found true, SHGs comprising of a
significant proportion of very poor women may require greater support
than those that have lesser representation of very poor women. The
preliminary finding also suggests the need for refining the present
grading system so as to include targeting as one of the variables for
assessment.
4.2 IMPACT ON POVERTY AND WOMEN’S
EMPOWERMENT
- Impact on household poverty: A
comparative analysis of "wealth ranking" of households
(represented in the SHG) before group formation and at the time of this
exercise revealed that around 35% of the member households had witnessed
a significant improvement in status. In contrast, only 7.5% of
non-members had recorded an improvement. If one takes into account
"A" grade IFAD groups which had accessed bank loans the figure
stands at a higher level of 52% (around 45% if one takes into account
improvement in only the very poor and poor SHG members). This indicates
that access to bank loans for productive activities and the
effectiveness of the functioning of the group both have a key impact on
poverty reduction. The importance of bottom-up group functioning is also
amply highlighted by the fact that the figures on poverty-reduction
impact of non-group based self employment programme (IRDP) or top-down
group approach are lower (DWCRA). No remarkable inter-district
variations were observed. Infact, an "A" grade SHG in the
backward district of Ramnad better than their counterpart in Madurai. No
major differences in performance were noted between NGOs of different
ideological orientation.
- Impact on vulnerability of households
to poverty: The PRA exercise indicates that very poor, poor,
moderate and even rich rural households are vulnerable to sudden social
and environmental calamities like illness or death of family members (in
particular, an earning member), desertion of husband, loss of crop, loss
of livestock, fires within the house and so on (also see Chambers, 1988,
1998). Events like marriage of daughter (often with dowry) and breaking
down of a joint family with marriage of sons also increase vulnerability
of households to poverty. The fact that only 4% of SHG members witnessed
deterioration in status after joining the SHGs, in comparison with the
figure of 10% in the case of non-members indicates that SHGs act as a
buffer against calamities and events. No marked variation was seen with
respect to vulnerability-reduction between groups which had accessed
bank loans (IFAD groups) and those which had not (both IFAD and MT
groups) revealing that internal-loans of SHGs have a critical role to
play in preventing deterioration of member-households when faced with
contingencies. NGO orientation and economic background of districts seem
to have little bearing on the SHG impact on reducing vulnerability to
calamities and social events.
Another aspect of vulnerability, is the
seasonal variation in levels of well being and poverty. The PRA exercise
(social mapping) indicates that less than 1% of the member-households
have access to salaried jobs. Most of them are dependent on occupations
whose income varies across seasons (findings from social mapping
exercise). Further, household expenditure varies across seasons in the
case of all the 34 member households which were studied in-depth, as
expenditure on festivals, inputs, health care and education are higher
during particular seasons when compared to others. The kind of variation
in expenditure seems to depend on the religion of the members, whether
they have children in school going age, and the occupations in which
they are involved. The in-depth household level studies indicate that
the seasonal vulnerability to poverty has reduced in 35% of HH,
indicating further room for improvement. Greater attention to matching
the seasonality in income and expenditure related to the new activity
and ongoing productive activities of household members may help to
reduce seasonal vulnerability. This aspect may be included in the
training curriculum for members, Animators, representatives, NGOs and
other stakeholders.
- Impact on women’s poverty- with a
focus on access to basic needs: The participatory analysis of
intra-household access to benefits amongst 34 member households
indicates that women’s consumption of food and nutrition and women’s
access to health care has increased along with the general improvement
in household-consumption. So has the access of girl children to food and
health care, as well as education. However, gender disparities in access
to food, health care or education persist in the case of 44% of
households of mixed composition; indicating that female members perhaps
benefit less in terms of physical well-being than the male members of
households. This is particularly a point of concern as women’s
workload has increased more than men’s work load through these
activities. Disparities are higher amongst male-headed households, than
women headed households. Disparities higher in times of economic crisis,
than the normal times. No major difference in this respect was seen
between groups accorded different grades, groups formed by different
NGOs, groups of different age, and groups in different districts. Though
slightly premature, the available evidence indicates that the education
level of the women members (beyond primary level) reduces such
gender-differentials. Greater attention to the intra-household
distribution of benefits may be essential in the training programmes,
evaluation studies, and in the grading system.
- Impact on women’s poverty - with a
focus on the causes of poverty, household entitlements and issues of
sustainability: Yet another issue is whether these gains from
bank loans for women members are sustainable. Studies in the context of
other development projects in the country indicate that the
sustainability of economic gains for women out of IGPs is contingent on
the support they receive from the husband related to the activity
(especially in carrying out tasks which need to be done outside the
village), women’s continuation in the institution of marriage and the
informal terms and conditions of the conjugal contract (see Sinha,
forthcoming, Mayoux, 1988). The PRA exercise indicates that the above
findings are equally true in the case of most male-headed households.
Only 30% of women in male headed households are engaged in activities
like purchasing raw materials and selling of produce. 50% of women in
male headed households have total or equal (customary or legal) control
over the assets created through the programme (or on which the activity
is dependent), and 50% have total or major control over income generated
through the activity. The figures are higher for middle aged women in
male headed households, when compared to young women in male headed
households- reflecting the disadvantaged position of the latter group. Women
heading households because of widowhood, desertion, not getting
married participate in managerial aspects to a greater extent, and
have greater degree of control over assets and income than women members
of male headed households. The position of women heading households
because of male sickness and male migration in these respects stands
between these two extremes. Thus targeting of women heading households
is important from the view of targeting the poorest amongst women, as
well as from the view-point of sustainability of impact and women’s
empowerment
Yet another variable which seems to have
a bearing on the women’s independent management of the activity and
women’s control over assets and income is the nature of activity.
Activities like dairying, goat rearing, vessel vending, wet-grinding,
petty business are more amenable to women’s management, than
activities like charcoal making, setting up of barber shop, cycle repair
shop, ice-cream vending, agriculture and horticulture. However, much
depends on NGOs orientation to women’s development. If the NGO
operates within a women’s empowerment framework even horticultural
activities have been managed by women, in contrast to the more welfare
oriented NGOs. It may be useful to target the latter kind of NGOs in the
process of selection, as well as strengthen the gender component within
training of NGOs and other stakeholders.
- Impact on Women’s Empowerment:
Women’s empowerment can be seen as the extent to which members
exercise control over their labour, mobility, interaction, resources,
decision making processes, and their identity.
- Mobility and interaction:
The PRA exercise reveals impressive gains in terms of expanding women’s
mobility and interaction. 50 % of women members interviewed had visited
new places and had traveled a longer distance, and 94% of women members
had interacted with new institutions like banks, NGOs, TNWDP Project
Implementation Units, Block Development offices and the District Rural
Development Agency. In most cases women members traveled independently
of men, and interacted on their own with Officers representing these
institutions. The degree of expansion in women’s mobility and
interaction seems to depend on:
i) the nature of household and age of the
member. The mobility of women members heading households has expanded more
than women members in male headed household, of older women more than
younger women.
ii) the importance accorded to training of
members of SHGs: The groups wherein not only the animators and
representatives, but also members had participated in training programmes
recorded a higher increase in mobility than those in which only the
animators and representatives had received training,
iii) whether the groups and members had
accessed bank loans or not. Accessing bank loans has brought the members in
touch with Bank officers, PIU staff and other government officials to a
greater extent,
iv) whether the group had undertaken
community action programmes and had undertaken efforts to mobilise
government programmes,
v) whether the NGO or PIU had organised the
groups into a federation and encouraged their participation in events like
the International Women’s Day, Rural Women’s day, information fairs and
so on. The greater the attention to these efforts the greater the favourable
impact on mobility and interaction of members.
- impact on the gender based division of
labour: The PRA exercise reveals that reproductive work- child care,
domestic work, cooking and cleaning continues to be predominantly the domain
of women. However, men do seem to help in fetching water and gathering fuel.
This change cannot be solely related to the formation of SHG, a general
trend in this direction was observed by the women. Nevertheless, the group
meetings and events seem to push many men to atleast temporarily look after
children and serve food for themselves, and few men even into cooking. The
process of change has thus begun, and the SHGs have pushed the boundaries of
change that is possible in society. The degree to which men help out in
reproductive work depends on the physical well being of the women members
(higher if the women are sick), age and education of the member (higher
amongst young educated women), the kind of household (higher in nuclear, and
lower in joint families), and the gender and age composition of the children
(lower if girl children are present).
Comparatively greater change in the
gender-based division of so called productive tasks could be observed. 30%
of women members who had taken bank loans recorded marked change in
gender-roles related to productive activities (70% reported a small change).
The change was more marked amongst de-jure women headed households and
de-facto women headed households, when compared to male-headed households.
Age and education were other factors that had a role to play. Amongst
non-literate women members, the older ones participated more in
non-traditional activities than the younger ones. The educated women
(predominantly young) undertook more non-traditional activities than the
non-educated. Though women’s participation in purchasing materials,
marketing, and collecting cash had increased in male headed households,
these activities continued to be the domain of men. Greater attention may
need to be paid to portrayal of men and women in non-stereotypical
reproductive roles in communication materials (including Mutram) and within
training programmes for different stakeholders. Expanding non-literate women’s
access to literacy may also be helpful.
No regional, group-grade, group age, or NGO
variation was found with respect to gender based division of reproductive
and productive work. Neither did this aspect seem to be influenced by access
of SHG members to training. But a larger sample size is required before
coming to firm conclusions.
- Change in work-load, nature of
employment, and skill levels: 69% of women members who were unskilled
wage labourers have either moved to self employment or are less dependent on
wage labour as a result of the activity. 65% of members have acquired new
technical skills with respect to income generation, and 20% percentage have
strengthened their existing technical skills. These figures are very
impressive. Nevertheless there are a few areas of concern and a few areas
for improvement. i) In the case of a majority of women members in
male-headed activities the activities through bank loan tend to overall be
male managed. As a result their occupational status may in reality have just
changed from wage employment to unpaid family labour. Studies carried out in
the past reveal that the latter women have greater bargaining power than the
former women within the household do. Whether their exclusive access to bank
credit (under this project) off-sets this disadvantage needs to be further
studied. ii) Workload of 94% of women members who have accessed bank loans
has increased when compared to what they were previously doing (The increase
in workload of men in member households is comparatively lower). It may be
useful to explore possibilities of strengthening access to gas stoves and
gas connections at cheap rate for women members through bulk order by the
government. This was a strong demand in three of the self help groups
(surprisingly even in backwards districts of Ramnad and Dharmapuri). Infact
one of the NGOs is strongly pursuing this plan of action. Encouraging women
members to go in for wet-grinder enterprises, power laundries, and
rice-mills are other options. Already there are a few examples in this
direction within the TNWDP. They need to be suitably recorded and widely
disseminated.
- access to and control over resources:
Already the findings on women’s access to and control over income, assets
and benefits through the loan activity have been reported. Here the concern
would be on non-loan-related resources and benefits. Of the seven groups
with whom discussions were held in-depth five had expanded members and
villagers access to some basic need or the other like drinking water,
electricity, road, health care services, and child-care facilities. Two
groups had closed arrack shops in the village, thereby expanding members and
other villagers access to household income. At a more strategic level, one
group had participated in Federation efforts to conduct mass marriage
without dowry, thereby reducing the vulnerability of poor households with
female children. Another group had intervened in a member’s household
wherein the husband was in the habit of selling assets due to male
alcoholism, and persuaded him to transfer the meager land that was left on
the name of the member. Last but not the least, one group had intervened
strategically to give internal loans to women members to take land on lease
on their names and cultivate. Informal discussions with a women animator in
Dharmapuri District who had stood and won a seat into the Panchayat Council,
revealed that the SHG had even influenced allocation of resources by the
Panchayat, apart from helping widows access widow pension. Such practical
and strategic examples may be recorded and disseminated widely through
communication materials, group and federation meetings, and training
programmes. The grading system may be revised to allocate a higher
proportion of points to such social-action programmes (in particular, the
more strategic ones mentioned above). NGOs and the TNWDP staff may also be
encouraged to pay greater attention to these aspects.
- - impact on intra-household and
public decision-making (including Panchayats): As mentioned earlier
there seems to be a wide variation in the quality of information on this
aspect. There seems to be a slight increase in intra-household decision
making powers of members in male headed households, more prominent in
the areas of deciding on credit purposes, credit source, children’s
education, health care of family member, and disposal of household
assets. However, strong gender divisions in decision making persist
within the household. Decisions with respect to food preparation
continues to be the domain of women, and decisions with regard to
purchase of land and assets, mortgaging of land, purchase of inputs and
selling of produce continues to be the domain of men. As in other areas,
older women, educated women and women managing their own productive
activities played a greater role in decision making when compared to
other members.
As such women members in the eight
groups studied in-depth seem to have little influence in decision making
within traditional Panchayats or religious institutions. One SHG studied
in-depth as part of the PRA exercise, and one SHG whose Animator was met
reported that group members did influence decision making in Gram Sabha
and made claims on the Panchayat. Performance with respect to this
aspect seems to depend on the extent of NGO efforts and whether any of
the women members/Animators of SHGs have been elected into the Gram
Panchayat.
4.3 GROUP FORMATION, GROUP FUNCTIONING
AND TRAINING:
- Group formation and replication:
Of the eight groups studied in-depth with respect to group
functioning, seven were formed by the NGO, and the Animator (chosen by
the NGO) formed one. This is a positive sign, as the Animator’s caste
background does seem to influence the caste composition of the group.
Further, five women’s SHGs have emerged in four villages as a ripple
(model) effect of the groups functioning in that area. Of these, four
approached the concerned NGO for assistance, and one has been initiated
by the Balwadi teacher. This is a very encouraging sign, and indicates
that women’s SHGs are emerging as socially accepted institutions in
the village for poverty reduction.
- Group-decision making: On most
issues- membership, appointment and rotation of Animators and
representatives, time and frequency of meetings, savings and lending,
community action- all the group-members take decisions collectively in
seven of the eight groups. However, in one group the Animator (belonging
to a Backward Community) was reported to play a domineering role in
group functioning, being the lone literate member in the group. The
group was solely dependent on her for maintaining books of accounts and
records. She even removed a literate Scheduled Caste representative on
the pretext that she could not attend an important meeting; though the
reasons were unavoidable. Such dominance needs to be discouraged, and in
fact rotation of Animators should be promoted. Access of members to
training and basic literacy skills, caste composition of the group,
income differences between group members, timing and venue of meetings
(elaborated later) do have a bearing on the extent to which decisions
are truly arrived at collectively in the group. Another concern is that
even when discussions were going on with group members during the PRA
exercise, the more literate and better off members seemed to speak more
vocally, than the non-literate members belonging to the labouring class
do. Future training programmes for members may need to pay greater
attention to the latter group. Yet another concern is the role of NGOs
in decision making. NGOs were reported to play a key role in decision
making in five of the eight groups, especially on issues like timings
and venue of meetings, savings, selection & rotation of Animators
and representative. Ideally NGOs should play a facilitating role-
facilitating debates on the pros and cons of different options- rather
than a decision-making role.
- Rotation of posts of Animator and
Representative: In 7 of the eight groups there was no policy in
place for rotation of Animators and Representatives. In one group,
however, the Representative was forcedly changed by the Animator due to
inter-personal problems. The NGOs need to play a facilitative role in
this respect. On the one hand they should not force the group to rotate
the Animator or Representative, but at the same time they need to
explain to the group the necessity to rotate responsibilities to build
group capacity in the long run. Care also needs to be paid to build the
capacity of the new Animator and Representative so that periodical
rotation do not adversely affect group functioning. One NGO infact
refers to the Animator as the bookkeeper which seems a less powerful and
hence more democratic designation.
- Formation of sub-committees: Two
of the eight groups had experimented with sub-committees. In the case of
one of the two groups it was a transitory phenomenon linked to a housing
programme that the group had taken on. The second group continues with
the system of sub-committees that look into the issue of attendance,
savings, repayment and community action programme. This group functions
very efficiently, and has been accorded a grade of A. Sub-committees may
be encouraged in other groups as well, including one on addressing women
strategic concerns in the village, and one on addressing basic needs.
This was in fact suggested by few SHGs during the PRA exercise.
- Venue, time and frequency of meetings:
i) Time: Of the eight groups
studied, five met in the late evening or night. This is a healthy sign
as women labourers can also attend meetings held at this time. However,
three groups convened meetings in the forenoon, or early evening like
5.00 P.M which was reported not to be convenient for women members from
the labouring class, but convenient for some of the others. In fact
inability to attend meetings was one of reasons cited for dropping out
of groups by very poor members (see the section on dropouts).
ii) Frequency: Except one group,
all the other groups convened meetings only twice or more during a
month. Two of the groups in-fact met four times a month. This made it
convenient for members to save and borrow from the group. The group
cohesion was found to be more wherein the groups met often. However, in
the case of one group which met four times a month the meetings were
held in the forenoon, creating problems for women members from the
labouring class who had to take permission from their employers or take
leave to attend group meetings. Ideally groups should be encouraged
(though not forced) to meet four times a month, late in the evening or
the night.
iii) Venue: The venue of group
meetings is an area that may demand greater attention. Of the eight
groups, only three met on neutral grounds like community hall, school,
or NGO office premises in the village. Four groups conducted meetings in
the residence of the Animator that may not only create dependency, but
also enhance the powers of the Animator. One group met at the temple
premises, which was seen as positing a problem for women members during
menstruation. Though not explored, it may also pose a problem for dalit
members to participate effectively. It would be ideal that wherever
common premises are not available, the women’s SHGs could be
subsidized (60% group, and 40% IFAD) under the post IFAD support to
build a group building for convening meetings. Such a hall would also
add confidence to the group members, and give the group a distinct
identity in the village. The building could also act as a shelter home
for battered women, or women in distress within the village. Wherever
common (government) premises are available in the hamlet/village, the
government departments could be moved to authorise the local officials
to allow the SHGs to use them during non-official hours.
- Attendance in meetings: Leaving
aside one SHG that had not met during the last nine months (reasons
elaborated later), the average attendance in meetings was 81%. The
attendance in meetings was found to be lower in the C/D grade group when
compared to the A/B grade groups. Two groups infact imposed fine for not
attending, but even then one of these groups recorded only 60%
attendance- indicating that this is perhaps not the best solution to
boosting attendance (group dynamics, time and venue of meetings may be
more important). Inter-district variations in attendance of meetings
were not found. Two groups (of seven groups that were asked this
question) reported seasonal variation in attendance. Surprisingly,
attendance was not influenced by seasonal variation in rainfall (perhaps
needs to be studied with a large sample size). It was more influenced by
seasonal fluctuations in income and expenditure levels. In particular,
some members reported that they avoided attending all the meetings in
the months of June, July and August as they had little ability to save
with the group. This reveals that in the case of these groups, the group
is associated only with savings and credit. This needs to be avoided,
and further savings should be made optional (elaborated in detail
later).Attendance in meetings was reported to vary with occupation of
members and their economic background in two of the seven groups on
which this information was asked. Women members working as wage
labourers found it more difficult to attend meetings regularly when
compared to members who were self-employed or working as unpaid family
labourers. This difficulty was compounded by the fact that in one group
the meetings were held during the daytime.
- Group participation: Attendance
cannot be equated with participation. Group participation in the PRA
exercises (group discussions in particular) was found to be higher in
the three groups in which not just the Animator and representatives, but
all the members had participated in training programmes around generic
issues like the need for SHG, confidence building, leadership
development etc. Nevertheless, the economic background of the member,
and their literacy levels did have a bearing on the levels of
participation. Participation was higher amongst the better off than the
very poor, and amongst the literate when compared to the non-literate.
It was encouraging that in the case of most group discussions within the
PRA exercise, the members adopted a round seating arrangement that aids
eye to eye contact. Greater attention may need to be paid to
participation of underprivileged members within the group, and giving
training to members as well in IFAD groups (members of MT groups have
access to member training). If necessary, additional funds may be
provided by the IFAD/Government of Tamil Nadu in this direction.
Training to Animators and Representatives has to stress the need to
encourage greater participation in SHGs.
- Drop-outs from the SHG: The
average drop-out rate in the eight group studied was 20% (varying
between 0 to a maximum of 40%), and the reasons cited by the group
included:
- - death of the member (18% of the
drop-outs),
- - rule stating that women beyond 55
years should be removed from the group (18% of drop outs),
- - inability to save the stipulated
amount (13% of the drop-outs),
- - fall in household income (13% of
dorp outs),
- - lack of trust on the Animator (13%
of drop outs),
- - lack of interest as they were not
getting internal loans (8% of drop outs),
- - disheartenment at not getting bank
loan (6%),
- - out migration (6% of drop outs),
- - non-cooperation of husband (1%) and
- - other miscellaneous reasons (14%).
It is encouraging that very few members
drop out because of non-cooperation of husbands. This shows that the group
is pushing the boundaries of change gradually, without a male backlash. At
the same time the above data suggests various corrective actions which may
need to be taken. Rules may need to be formed by SHGs with regard to what
happens in the event of death of members. To the extent possible the
daughter or daughter-in law may be inducted into the group. Care may also
need to be taken at the time of group formation itself with regard to the
age factor. Women beyond 55 years should be allowed to continue with the
group as long as they are in a position to save (however small amount) with
the group. Groups may also be encouraged to support members whose household
incomes have fallen due to contingencies, rather than allowing them to leave
the group. The idea behind only one-third members getting bank loans through
the group may need to be explained clearly. Banks should also be encouraged
to reconsider their policy that those women whose husbands or fathers-in law
have overdues are not eligible for loans.
- Training: Training and capacity
building of the SHGs seems to be one of the unique aspects of the
Project. The Animators of the eight groups recalled the issues covered
in the training programmes better than the Representatives and members
(in the case of the three groups wherein members had also received
training). Most of the participants in the activity-specific training
(linked to the bank loan) also recalled attending the same. All members
reported that the training imparted was useful for them. While the
Animator and Representative reported concrete benefits in terms of
improvement in maintenance of registers and accounts, few members were
able to say how they had concretely benefited. In one group the
Animators and Representatives were able to produce materials they were
given, but members could not (as they were given no material).
Development of materials for neo-literate may need more attention during
the post-Ifad/Mahalir Thittam period. One old C grade group also
received "weak group" training, but it seems to have not
helped in improve the group functioning. Weak group training may need to
be made more context specific, and suited to the particular functioning
of the group. One A grade group had also received "sustainability
training", but apart from sustainability training "refresher
training" programmes may also be required. Of the two groups which
had changed representatives (due to a variety of extraneous factors,
rather than policy), only one was able to access representative training
for the new representative. Along with rotation of Representatives and
Animators, a strategy for giving new representatives and Animators
training needs to be evolved. The logistical arrangement for training
were found to be agreeable- the timing (10 A.M -4 P.M), location, and
non-residential nature)- and perhaps should be continued. Though
child-care facilities were not provided in most cases, the members met
were quite happy to leave their children for a day and attend training.
However, in one village women members did state that better seating
arrangements and additional/prompt food arrangements would make it more
convenient for pregnant women to attend. Future training needs which
were expressed by the members included: i) Enterprise selection and
management, ii) Producer co-operatives for collective purchase and
selling of produce, iii) Value addition of produce, iv) Exposure to
group income generating activities, iv) Exposure to groups which have
addressed strategic gender interests like closing arrack shop,
addressing male violence, etc. v) Functioning literacy and numeracy
(more in Ramnad district), vi) Federation building. Though training of
members tends to be very expensive because of their larger number, its
importance cannot be over-emphasised.
- Improvement and deterioration in
group dynamics: This aspect was studied in seven of the eight
groups. Four medium aged groups had seen a linear improvement in group
functioning, two old groups had seen an improvement in initial stages
and deterioration later on and one group had seen a mix of deterioration
and improvement right from the beginning. Factors which seem to improve
group dynamics include:
- homogeneity of the group (economic) in
terms of composition,
- size of the group: the maximum size was
considered to be 20,
- regularity and frequency of meetings
- absence of drop out phenomenon,
- regularity of savings, lending and
repayment, and rotation of group capital,
- equity in access to internal and bank
loans,
- the qualities of the Animator (in
particular) and the Representative and whether she has understood that
her role is facilitative in nature,
- initiation of community action
programmes and group asset building programmes,
- access of members to training,
- the quality and continuity of NGO and
PIU supervision (earlier IFAD supervisors),
- participation in inter-group meetings:
federation, international women’s day celebrations and so on.
The reverse obviously leads to
deterioration in group dynamics. Certain additional factors also seem to
lead to deterioration in group functioning. These include:
- expansion of area of supervision of NGO
staff, and hence reduction in the quality of support to individual
groups,
- non-literacy of members, allowing room
for corrupt practices,
- prevalence of caste conflicts within the
village,
- inconvenience of timing and venue of
meetings,
- lack of group participation in selection
of first batch of IFAD loans,
- malpractice by Animators,
Representatives or Supervisor,
- absence of support from federation.
- Men’s involvement in group
functioning: Five of the eight groups reported high degree of
male-interference during the initial stages. Such interference took a
variety of forms: suggesting who should be included and excluded the
group, actually attending meetings, trying to influence decision-making
processes of the group, or monitoring financial matters. Some men
relatives also tried to pull their women relatives from the meetings
during the initial stages. However, with time and with firm handling by
the group members, Animators, Representatives and NGOs such interference
reduced. At the time of the PRA exercise, none of the groups mentioned
that men interfered destructively in group processes. In-fact four
groups reported that they received positive support and encouragement
from the men. Men also helped women members to repay the loans that they
took from the group out of their own earnings. In three of the eight
groups, the members stated that men took care of the children and fed
themselves and their children when they attended group meetings.
- Grading system: The criteria
suggested by the groups for assessing the functioning of the group were
more functional in nature: attendance in meetings, participation in
meetings, unity amongst members, regular savings, issue of receipt for
savings, prompt repayment, maintenance of registers and books of
accounts, building of group assets, and involvement in community action
progammes. One group mentioned that transparency in functioning, absence
of corrupt practices and absence of domination by Animators should also
be considered while assessing a group. These criteria more or less match
the criteria adopted. Poverty sensitivity and empowerment sensitivity of
the group did not figure in the discussions, pointing to the fact that
awareness on these issues needs to be built up. In the case of six
groups, the rank accorded by the group according to their criteria
matched the ranking by the PIU (with or without NGO involvement). But in
two cases the group members felt that their group was functioning better
than the grade accorded to them. A more participatory and visual
approach to grading the groups may be required, and participation of all
group members is a must. In some groups, only the Animator was aware of
the grade accorded and not the others. NGOs should also take part
actively, as they are the main facilitators of group strengthening.
Following the assessment, the NGOs should also be encouraged to organise
training programmes that address the weaknesses of the group.
- Collective action: A variety of
collective actions have been undertaken by the eight SHGs that were met.
These include I) welfare activities like disbursal of clothes for
orphans, infrastructure for school, and clothes for poor widows ii)
infrastructure development like desilting tank, building bridges,
construction of kutcha roads and community halls iii) mobilisation of
government programmes like pension for widows, iv) collective
lobbying with the government for electricity facilities, supply of
drinking water, and medical facilities, v) struggles and campaigns
around strategic gender interests like closing of arrack shops,
conducting of mass marriages without dowry, prevention of
child-marriage, campaign against female infanticide and so on.
Collective action to mobilise government programmes and struggles around
strategic interests may require added attention by the groups in the
future. In particular, the issue of dowry.
4.4 SAVINGS AND LENDING OPERATIONS:
- Rules on savings: Of the eight
groups, seven had opted for fixed savings. Two reasons were cited for
this choice: i) to avoid conflicts and tensions amongst group members,
ii) to follow NGOs’ advice in this respect. The fixed savings amount
normally increased with the age of the group. At the time of the PRA
exercise, it ranged from Rs 20 to Rs 60 per month, being lower in Ramnad
district, and higher in Madurai district; with Dharmapuri falling
in-between the two extremes. The sole group which allowed flexible
savings, did however stipulate a minimum amount which must be paid by
the member (RS 40 per month). On the positive side, the group savings
was highest in this group though the group began only in 1995 (it had
saved an amount of RS 1,49,138), and not many members reported saving
outside the group. On the other hand, the internal loan amount which a
member was eligible for was linked to her saving (twice the amount)
which reduced the credit flow to the poorest member. The challenge seems
to be to allow flexible savings, while at the same time ensure that
internal lending is not linked to the amount saved. A minimum savings
amount may nevertheless be required, but it may be set at a low level
which everybody can afford.
- Interest on Savings and Maturity of
Savings: Of the eight groups, only one paid interest or dividend to
group members on the savings amount on a regular basis. This needs to be
encouraged for two reasons: i) to encourage members to save with the
group, and reduce savings outside the group (elaborated later), ii) to
motivate very poor women who feel that they cannot take the risk of
availing loans to join the group, and slowly increase their risk-taking
capacity. As such none of the groups had a policy on whether the members
can at some point withdraw the savings. Clearly laying out policies in
this direction may be useful. A male village leader was skeptical about
where all the amount of savings was going, and whether the women in his
extended family who were members of the group would at any point be able
to access their savings. Withdrawal of savings after a certain amount
(keeping in mind that the amount should be adequate to meet routine
consumption needs of members) and provision of dividend on the savings
should be actively encouraged.
- Source of savings: Two groups
reported that none of the members found it difficult to save the
stipulated month (RS 50 per month), as they were earning well through
the activity undertaken with bank loon. The remaining six groups
mentioned that the very poor members in their groups did find it
difficult to save during low work and high expenditure seasons. Very
poor members adopted multiple strategies to meet the savings
requirement: i) cutting down their own consumption of food (all the six
groups), ii) cutting down recreation expenditure (all the six groups),
iii) borrowing from relatives and friends (all the six groups), iv)
borrowing from money lenders with interest (two groups). Introducing
optional savings or setting a low level of minimum saving would ensure
that none of the members adopted negative strategies to meet the rule
governing savings.
- Savings outside the group: Seven
of the eight groups mentioned that some of its members saved outside the
group as well. . The fact that some members find it difficult to save
during particular months, and some members save outside points to the
different economic status of the group members. On an average, forty
three percent of the group members saved outside the group. The place of
savings included: i) Post office ii) Chits, iii) Banks, iv) Home. No
marked inter-regional variations were found in the extent to which
members saved outside. The reasons stated for saving outside the group
were: i) The rule of fixed savings within the group, ii) The inability
to withdraw savings when required from the group, iii) To avoid putting
all savings in one institution, and thereby reduce risk of losing the
same. This points to the need for flexible management to tap such
savings for faster growth of SHGs and perhaps including some strategies
in the Training Manual.
- Poverty sensitivity of internal
lending practices: All the groups reported that while considering a
variety of requests for internal loans, they prioritized giving loans to
those who were poor, who required funds urgently and who required for
useful purposes. Two groups stated that they also considered capacity
and willingness to repay the loan before considering the request. One
group even stated that when they felt that a member could not pay back
the amount, they (the better off members) prefer to pool three own funds
and give it to the person as a grant. Most internal loans had been given
for meeting consumption needs (health, education, food shortage,
purchase of clothes etc.), small production needs (purchase of seeds,
purchase of fertilisers, expanding petty shop etc.) and autonomy
needs (reducing indebtedness with money lenders, releasing assets
with money lenders and so on). The rate of interest charged by the group
was significantly lower than the rate charged by money lenders. It
varied from 24% to 36% per annum, while the interest rates charged by
moneylenders varied from 60% to 120%. Thus the internal lending does
play an important role in reducing the vulnerability of the members to
poverty. A point of concern is that groups have also lent money for
anti-women purposes like dowry and buying jewels for daughter’s
children when they come for jewelry. This should be actively
discouraged. Yet another concern is that the sole group which adopted
flexible savings policy linked internal loan amount to the amount saved.
This also needs to be avoided. In none of the groups the interest rates
vary with economic background or the purpose for which loan is taken,
placing a lot of burden on very poor women. A study may be made of the
few groups that have attempted this, to understand the pros and cons of
such rules.
- Actual distribution of internal and
bank loans: At the time of PRA exercise, 53% of the internal loans
given by the eight groups had gone to very-poor and poor members and
they had accessed 52% of the loan amount. These figures are cumulative
in nature. Four groups revealed more pro-poor lending with time, while
the reverse was true in the case of three other groups on which
comparative data across time was available. At the time of the PRA
exercise only 5% of members of the eight group had not taken any
internal loan (of whom 21% belonged to poor or very poor categories).
The reasons cited by the group for not giving loans to particular
members included: lack of creditworthiness, irregularity in attendance,
and the fact that they were not from the same village. A few members
preferred not to take loans from the group, as they felt that the
interest rate was high.
64% of the bank loans had gone to very
poor and poor members, and they had accessed 62% of the loan amount.
Amongst the groups which had accessed bank loans, 16% of the group
members had not received loans, of whom 29% were very poor or poor.
Either they were not found to be eligible (because the husband or other
family members had overdue with the bank), or they were penalised
because other members had not paid back on time. On the whole, the
distribution of bank loans across different economic groups appears to
better match the representation of very poor and poor members in the SHG
than the distribution of internal loans. The reasons for this needs to
be investigated at greater depth. A few members of one group who had
taken bank loan, but not internal loan, reported that higher interest
rate charged by the SHG when compared to commercial banks was the reason
for this discrepancy. This suggests the need for monitoring the interest
rate on a regular basis, and taking it into account in the grading
system.. Another area which may need continuos monitoring, is the
proportion of internal and bank loans going to very poor and poor
members in comparison with their representation within the SHG.
A positive feature of both internal and
bank lending is the presence of very little difference between the
absorptive capacity of the very poor members and those more near the
poverty line. This compares very favourably with lending under the IRDP
were substantial differences persist. Nevertheless, strategies to build
the asset base of the very poor women members may be essential to have a
sustained impact on poverty.
- Repayment performance: The
repayment rate in "A" grade groups was over 90% for both bank
and internal loan, while the repayment rate was much lower in the C
grade groups. No marked difference in repayment rates across different
activities was noted. In two groups the repayment performance of the
poor and very poor members was better than the repayment performance of
the comparatively moderate and rich members. In two groups it was the
other way around. The former is a point of concern, as non-repayment by
the better off could unnecessarily hamper the circulation of loans.
- Source of repayment: Consumption
loans taken from the group were paid through member’s regular income,
accessing husbands’ income, reduction of consumption (in particular
members own consumption), working over-time, borrowing from relatives
and fiends without interest and at times even borrowing from money
lenders. The negative repayment strategies are a point of concern.
Instead the groups should be encouraged to revise the repayment
schedule. Production loans were repaid back more easily, provided the
venture succeeded. However, in the few instances wherein the activity
failed the members were forced to borrow from money lenders and take
recourse to the other negative strategies mentioned above. Thus it may
be important to monitor not just repayment rate, but also source of
repayment.
4.5 SUSTAINABILITY
- Inter-generation sustainability:
Except one more or less defunct group, all the other 7 groups perceived
that their groups would continue beyond their generation. Their
membership would be taken up by their daughters-in-law or by new
entrants after their death. A study of the groups formed in the early
years of the project to study what rules the groups have evolved to deal
with continuity upon expiry of members would be useful. The lone group
whose members did not see the group continuing into the future, felt
that the group’s (and individual members’) accounts should be
settled through the intermediation of an outsider, and one or two new
and more homogeneous groups should be formed inducting new people into
the group. A change in Animator was also recommended. The rate of
survivial of IFAD and MT groups does appear to be much better than the
survivial of DWCRA groups. One national level non-governmental study
revealed that only 37% of DWCRA groups survivied beyond a few years.
- Ability to meet credit needs into the
future: Of the seven groups which were meeting regularly, six had
more or less enough capital to meet regular-consumption needs of members
with regard to food, routine medical expenses, and routine school fees.
However, they did not have the kind of capital required to meet major
consumption expenses like marriage of daughters, dowry expenses, major
health expenses or major capitation fees for higher studies. Expenses on
marriage of daughters, dowry and major health problems were often the
cause cited for deterioration amongst members. None of the seven groups
had built up enough capital to meet production needs of members (other
than for small expenses like purchase of seeds and fertilizers). The
older A grade groups stated that they had enough capital to meet 50-75%
of the production needs of members, while all the C grade groups and the
newly formed A grade group reported that they had enough capital to meet
only 25% of the member’s productive needs. They depend on money
lenders, chits, and relatives is for meeting the balance requirement. In
the case of A grade greater attention could be paid to exploring group
income generating activities. Further, offering the possibility of
optional savings would also increase the group capital, as a significant
proportion of members reported holding savings outside the group (given
the group rule of fixed savings)
- Ability to support Animator’s
honorarium: Of the seven groups which continue to function, four
(both young and old groups) were already supporting the Animator’s
honorarium. The fifth group said that it would be in a position to
support in five years time. A sixth group formed under Mahalir Thittam
was supporting the Animator for eight months, but with change in rules
in this direction they are expecting support from the Mahalir Thittam to
pay honorarium. In the case of the seventh group, the Animator
maintained group records on an honorary basis as she was working
elsewhere. This may however reduce her accountability to the group. It
would be best that groups be encouraged to pay a nominal honorarium from
the beginning. Sudden shifts in policies may leave the group members
confused.
- Institutionalizing linkage with
commercial banks: None of the groups had entered into a formal
Memorandum of Understanding with commercial banks on continuity of
credit flow subject to proper repayment by the groups. Banks even now
tend to channel credit to SHGs on the recommendation of NGOs or PIU
staff. The TNWDP should pursue this aspect actively with commercial
banks in the future, as otherwise the group members may not be able to
make a quantum leap in their incomes and well-being.
- Dependency on NGO and PIU personnel:
None of the eight groups felt that they could manage without the support
of NGOs. Three groups reported they required low levels of support from
NGOs (essentially moral support and guidance in lobbying with government
& banks), one group reported the need for moderate level of support
(to also build group capacity), and four groups expressed the need for
high levels of support (even for supervising records, monitoring group
functioning, address issues of misappropriation, resolving group
conflicts and so on). The grade and age of the group have a bearing on
the extent of support required form NGOs, with the older/or A grade
groups requiring lesser support, than the younger/or C grade group.
- Institutionalising federations:
Five of the eight groups were members of a cluster level federation.
Federations were yet to be formed in the clusters in which the groups
were located. Of the five groups which were linked to a federation, two
had received support in increasing recovery rate. One group was helped
by the Federation to strengthen its accounts and book-keeping systems.
The role envisaged for federations by group members included: resolving
group conflicts, resolving cases of financial mismanagement, improving
savings and recovery of loans, mobilising government programmes, and
addressing common basic needs of the villages in the cluster. On being
prompted, the group members stated that the Federation should also play
a role in addressing atrocities against women and in collective
value-addition and marketing activities. Some groups mentioned that the
federations could also play a financial role, in terms of mobilising
capital from some groups and channeling it to others with interest.
Others were not in favour of Federations playing a financial
intermediation role. Given the maturity of most SHGs at the village
level, the time is now ripe for strengthening cluster level federations,
forming Block and District level federations and building their capacity
to address common needs and interests of group members.
5.0 INFERENCES
The PRA exercise suggests that the Tamil
Nadu Women’s Development Project has indeed strengthened the struggles of
poor women in the state against poverty and gender-based discrimination.
While gender-based discrimination continues to persist in the project area,
the project has slowly but steadily pushed social boundaries, thereby
expanding women’s mobility, control over their labour, control over
resources and sphere of influence within the family and outside. As the
Project has allowed the women themselves to define the pace of change, very
little male or social backlash could be noticed. The strategy of empowering
women through a strong economic component has made the project acceptable to
men and the broader society. It is indeed an alternative model to addressing
the issue of feminisation of poverty and the broader issue of
gender-discrimination in Indian society to the dominant model of women’s
development followed by the Indian government till recently (individual
self-employment programmes, or top down group formation). It also suggests
that poverty reduction and social change can be more easily brought out by a
combination of social and economic strategies, than just a
social-mobilisation approach, or a pure economic approach like one time
provision of credit and subsidy.
At the same time, the PRA exercise suggests
several areas for improvement in the future under Mahalir Thittam, and
offers several lessons for the national level micro-finance programme
proposed by the IFAD and the Indian’s government’s SGSY. The key ones
are summarised below:
- Targeting and Coverage: Greater
attention may be required to the issue of targeting, vis targeting of
villages and targeting of the very poor and marginalised women within a
village. In the case of the national level micro-financing programme
attention to targeting of states and districts would also be pertinent.
Otherwise there is a danger that they very poorest and marginalised
women may be excluded from such projects. A gap at the macro level is
the absence of detailed human and gender development reports on all
states in the country. At the micro level wealth ranking and social
mapping methods may be used for targeting the poorest. A list of
possible vulnerable groups in the context of Tamil Nadu has already been
suggested in the report, but these cannot be generalised across India.
Along with better targeting, a saturation policy may also help in
reaching out to the poorest amongst women; as they tend to be more risk
aversive and tend to join groups once they see some working effectively.
- Institutionalizing pro-poor group
practices, savings and lending practices, and activity-selection
practices: While thrift and savings groups tend to better meet the
credit needs of poor women than commercial banks and private money
lenders, they cannot automatically be assumed to function in a pro-poor
manner. Rules on time, venue and frequency of meetings, rules on
membership fees and savings, rules on internal lending, and rules on
repayment all have to be designed in such a way that they are
pro-poor/pro-poorest. The PRA study suggests that women themselves are
the best people to decide what purpose they should take a bank loan for
and what should be the unit size. As they are the people who bear the
risk related to the activity, it is best that outside agencies resist
deciding the economic activity or unit size for which bank/group loans
should be given. The wide range of successful activities taken up by
women in each Block, and the wide range of unit sizes associated with
each successful activity suggests the need for promoting diversity
rather than uniformity in selection of activities within each Block.
Further bank loans to individuals/groups should only be given when the
group is mature enough to handle the funds (group cohesion, ability to
manage internal savings and lendings), and should be tailor made to the
needs of the particular member/group. Back-ended subsidy may be better
than forward-subsidy as it promotes selection of viable activities and
building of small assets (like jewelry) by women with the subsidy
amount.
- The need to address the
gender-specific causes of women’s poverty: The PRA exercise
suggests the need for micro-finance projects to address the
gender-specific causes of poverty, otherwise the gains to women
(especially in male headed households) may be contingent upon male
support and short lived. Some of the strategies in this direction
include: i) promoting joint ownership of land (for example, by making it
compulsory for land to be held jointly for accessing
agriculture/horticulture loans) and access to common property resources,
ii) promoting joint ownership of houses, iii) breaking barriers to women
entering markets and non-traditional domains, iv) strengthening
technical and literacy skills of women, and linking women’s groups to
corporate industries v) encouraging men to share reproductive work, and
reducing the work burden of women through promoting gas-stoves,
wet-grinding enterprises, power laundries on a trial basis vi) changing
intra-household distribution of resources, in particular distribution of
food, health care and education expenditure. vii) promoting collective
strategies to reduce the practice of dowry (already there are examples
like conducting of mass marriages without dowry by federations), viii)
collective purchasing, marketing and storage service centers for
reducing leakage to middlemen and individual/collective value addition
enterprises for increasing returns to produce. Tthe space available in
the office premises at Chennai could be used as a marketing outlet and
act as a permanent exhibition ground. ix) promoting women members
participation in Panchayats.
- Strengthening federations and
networking at all levels: With a working model on formation of SHGs
is in place in most of the IFAD districts as well as most of the other
districts, the time may be ripe for strengthening cluster level
federations, forming them into Block and district level federations and
ultimately Federation at the state level. Studying different models of
federation which are emerging on their own under this scheme and
outside, and pros and cons of these would be useful. Ultimately it would
be useful if networks of NGO representatives and federation
representatives could be initiated at different levels along the Swayam
Sikhsan Prayog model, and such networks could be used for dialoguing
with the government and Panchayat bodies at different levels. The
present office of the TNWDC at Chennai should be available for holding
any meetings of such networks at the state level, as well as emerge as a
place which women members can use as their own.
- Strengthening capacities related to
poverty reduction, women’s empowerment and collective ventures: A
key to the success of the TNWDP has been the capacity building of
different stake holders especially on the concept of SHGs, group
functioning and savings and lending operations. Now perhaps the time is
right for broadening the thematic focus in capacity building to include
i) gender, micro-finance and poverty, ii) women’s empowerment, iii)
service centers in the area of marketing, procurement and storage, and
iv) individual/collective value addition enterprises. A quantum leap in
the capacities of NGOs is a must to meet the new challenges. In
addition, capacity building of Federations needs to receive a greater
emphasis.
- Strengthening research, documentation
and dissemination: In many ways the PRA exercise has touched only
the tip of the iceberg of experiences within the project. It is hence
important to strengthen the research, documentation and dissemination
infrastructure and systems of the project. Some of the research areas
include: study of existing service centers in the state which are
functioning effectively, possible value-addition enterprises related to
the activities which the groups are involved in, existing opportunities
to link women’s groups to corporate houses, asset building strategies
for women, and experiences in addressing violence against women. Another
area where attention may be required is producing materials for
neo-literates. Production of audio-visual aids for capacity building is
also necessary. A video unit within the TNWDP would also be useful,
along the Self-Employed Women’s Association model. To carry out all
these functions, the existing documentation centre in the PMUs and PIUs
may need to be strengthened so that they emerges as a centres for
accessing information on women’s development (especially in Tamil).
The existing office space in Chennai could also be used for this
purpose.
- Strengthening institutional systems
and structures: Some of the institutional factors which contributed
to the success of the project (under the IFAD phase) were: I) the
absence of a target orientation, ii) formation of strategic partnership
between government, NGOs and bank officials, building on each
institutions comparative advantage: reach & resources, commitment
and closeness to women, and efficiency respectively, iii) scope for
periodically relooking at the project design, iv) scope for diversity in
implementation of the project, and v) institutionalising decentralised
and participatory monitoring processes (PLCCs/BLCCs). The challenge
would be to continue these principles with expansion. In Particular, the
involvement of NGOs is a must with expansion, as they are the best
suited for reaching the poorest, group mobilisation, and group
strengthening. Further, strengthening monitoring and evaluation systems
of the project may warrant greater attention in the coming years.
Greater attention may need to be paid to develop qualitative indicators
of impact on women’s poverty and empowerment. As the project expands
institutionalising learning and self monitoring and evaluation systems
from group to PMU level may be essential. Vertical meetings may be
organised annually at the district and state levels bringing different
stake holders to brainstorm on specific problems confronting the
district or the (specific) state like strengthening literacy in backward
areas of Ramnad, addressing female infanticide/feticide in Salem and
Dharmpauri and so on. Federations at the Block level onwards may need to
be equipped with computers, and the computer related skills of members
of Federations may need to be built in the coming years so that they can
monitor the group functioning and access resources of other institutions
effectively.
The PRA exercise also throws light on the
ongoing debate on the pros and cons of group based micro-credit as a
strategy for poverty reduction and women’s empowerment. The PRA exercise
suggests that neither are micro-credit programmes (with a focus on women)
solutions by themselves to women’s poverty and dis-empowerment, nor do
they just act as a simple channel of credit to men through women. The
reality is perhaps messier. Group based micro credit programmes can reduce
women’s poverty and empower them provided: i) process based approach is
followed, ii) emphasis is placed on capacity building and gender
sensitisation of all stake holders (including men), iii) strategies are put
in place to expand poor women’s assets base, iv) women are helped to
overcome diseconomies of small scale procurement and marketing by forming
service centers, and value addition activities, vi) women and men are
encouraged to assume non-traditional tasks, vii) linkages are built between
SHGs and different institutions, and between the SHGs themselves at all
levels.
ENDNOTES
In instances wherein the wealth ranking of
the woman was found to be lower than the wealth ranking of her husband due
to male alcoholism or marital discord, the wealth ranking of the woman
member was used for classifying her economic condition.
IFAD groups were formed between 1989 and
1996, while Mahalir Thittam groups were formed in subsequent years. During
the training of trainers exercise two SHGs in Palaniyarnagar village,
Madurai East Block, Madurai District were covered. As the results of the
social mapping/targeting were not tallying in the case of one group, and
discussions on group dynamics, savings and lending, sustainability were
incomplete in the case of the second group the coverage with respect to
these two aspects is lower than the coverage with respect to intra-household
impact. This group was started towards the end of the IFAD project, and has
now been merged with MT.
Estimated to be 60% by the World Bank in
Uttar Pradesh in 1989, and placed at as low as 33% by other non-governmental
sources Refers only to access to land. Most Indian rural women are landless
with respect to control over land, as land is predominantly owned by men in
India.
87% of deserted women in the PRA villages
were either very poor or poor. The comparative figures for other categories
mentioned above stand at 80% for scheduled caste women, 74% for widows
heading households, 72% for women landless unskilled labourers, and 67% for
women heading households because of male sickness and settled single women.
It should be noted that only 50% of women heading households because of male
migration were poor or very poor.
13% are widows heading households, 3% are
deserted women heading households, and 1% are never married adult women
heading households.1 % are heading households because of male migration and
3.5 % are heading households because of male sickness.
According to a study on the DWCRA programme
carried out by MODE in the early 1990s in 11 districts only 15% of the
members of DWCRA groups were women headed.
There is no difference between the
representation of single never married women in the SHG and in the
households in the village showing no pro-single women affirmative policy.
A World Bank study in UP found that 43% of
the IRDP beneficiaries were from SC/ST background. Non-governmental
micro-studies in other states indicate that between 28% and 43%. of IRDP
beneficiaries were from the SC/ST communities.
Data on targeting under IFAD and MT groups
in four villages indicate no significant differences between the two
different schemes. In the case of two villages the IFAD groups were more
pro-poor, while in the case of two villages the MT groups expressed greater
pro-poor targeting.
Refers to a shift in wealth status from one
category to another.
According to Pulley (1989) 44% of
beneficiaries under IRDP witnessed an increase in income in UP as a result
of the programme.
Measured through change in the gender
division of labour, shifts in nature of employment, new-technical skill
acquisition, and impact on workload.
The figures indicated in brackets may total
to more than 100% as some of the members left due to multiple reasons.
In the case of one group, a high drop out
rate was noticed due to conflicts between two NGOs working in the same
village and with the same group members.
The PRA exercise points to the need for
including the following criteria in the grading system: i) targeting of the
poorest amongst the poor, women headed households, and settled single women,
ii) equity in access to bank loans and internal loans, iii) the difference
between the SHG interest rate and the money lender’s interest rate, iv)
source of savings and recovery, v) gender-sensitivity of members, vi)
efforts by members to address strategic gender interests. It also suggests
that higher score should not be accorded to groups which save more. Regular
savings should be the criteria used.
For example, a study carried out by Madura
Swaminathan in 1990 of IRDP in two Indian states revealed that the
wealthiest 9% cornered 22% of the total loan and subsidy amount, and the
bottom 79% received only 63% of the total loan and subsidy amount.
REFERENCES
Kabeer, N and Murthy R.K., 1996,
"Compensating for Institutional Exclusion? Lessons from Indian
Government and Non-Government Credit Interventions for the Poor", IDS
Discussion Paper, No. 356
Mode, 1990, Development of Women and
Children In Rural Areas: An Evaluation of DWCRA: A report Prepared for
UNICEF India, MODE, India.
Pulley, R.V., 1989, "Making the Poor
Creditworthy: A Case Study of the Integrated Rural Development Programmes in
India", World Bank Discussion Papers 58, World Bank, Washington.
Swaminathan, M, 1990, The Village Level
Implementation of IRDP: Comparison of West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, Economic
and Political Weekly, March 31st, pp A17-27
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